The Work Hidden Behind an Answer
One of the strongest arguments for artificial intelligence is also one of the simplest. Human beings spend enormous amounts of time obtaining information that already exists, repeating investigations that others have already completed, searching through badly organised sources and performing intellectual operations whose difficulty contributes little to their understanding. If an intelligent system can remove much of that effort while providing an answer that is at least as good, there seems little reason to preserve the longer route. The gain is not merely convenience. Time released from routine cognitive work can be devoted to problems that demand greater attention, creativity or judgement.
Much of this is unquestionably desirable. A researcher does not become a better researcher by spending three hours locating a paper that a competent system could retrieve in seconds. A programmer does not deepen her understanding merely because documentation is badly indexed. A doctor gains nothing from having to reconstruct information that should already be readily available. Difficulty has no educational or epistemic virtue simply because it consumes human effort, and the arrival of better tools should make us suspicious of any attempt to defend friction merely because previous generations were forced to endure it.
Yet a recent paper by Daron Acemoglu, Dingwen Kong and Asuman Ozdaglar suggests that something more complicated can happen when artificial intelligence improves our access to context-specific answers. Their argument is economic and mathematical, but it raises a question that extends beyond economics. Human beings frequently undertake intellectual effort for private reasons, simply because they need to solve a problem. In doing so, however, they sometimes produce understanding that becomes useful to other people. The effort has an unintended social consequence. What looked like an individual attempt to reach an answer also became one of the small processes through which collective knowledge was created, tested and renewed.
This possibility introduces a distinction that becomes increasingly important as artificial intelligence improves. Some cognitive effort merely stands between us and knowledge that already exists. Other cognitive effort participates in producing understanding that did not previously exist in that form. Removing the first is almost always an improvement. Removing the second may have consequences that cannot be seen by looking only at the person who receives the better answer.
Two Ways of Making a Problem Disappear
Consider a programmer confronted with an unfamiliar problem. She may spend several hours reading documentation, trying possible explanations, inspecting code, comparing similar cases and discovering that some of her initial assumptions were wrong. Much of this activity may lead nowhere. If an AI assistant can tell her immediately that the problem is caused by a known incompatibility and point her towards an existing solution, little has been lost. The investigation would simply have rediscovered something already available elsewhere. Artificial intelligence has removed a search cost.
But not every difficult problem has this structure. Sometimes the programmer encounters an interaction that is poorly understood, a behaviour that existing documentation does not explain, or a case whose particular combination of circumstances has not yet been adequately described. Her investigation may then produce something more than access. In trying to solve her own problem, she may discover a pattern, identify an exception or arrive at an explanation that neither she nor the people around her previously possessed.
Imagine that the solution reveals an undocumented interaction between two widely used components. Once the programmer understands what has happened, the knowledge can travel. She may add a note to her organisation’s documentation, explain the problem to colleagues, report it to the developers responsible for one of the components or describe the solution in a technical forum. Another programmer encountering the same behaviour can then begin from that explanation rather than reproduce the investigation. What began as an attempt to solve one person’s problem has become part of the environment from which other people solve theirs.
This does not happen after every investigation, and most private difficulties leave no lasting contribution behind. The point is narrower. Some knowledge enters the shared world precisely because someone had a reason to investigate a problem whose answer was not already available to them. The original purpose may have been entirely practical, while the understanding generated in pursuing it acquired a life beyond the situation in which it arose.
The same pattern appears in many domains. A physician confronted with an unusual patient may recognise a relationship that later becomes useful in other cases. A teacher trying to understand why a particular explanation repeatedly fails may discover something about how students are interpreting a concept. A researcher following an apparently unpromising result may notice a phenomenon that the original experiment was not designed to investigate. Most such encounters produce nothing of lasting importance, and many never leave the context in which they occur. Yet enough of them do for the accumulated by-products of individual investigation to matter to the knowledge available to everyone else.
Acemoglu and his co-authors describe the economic significance of this through the idea of a learning externality. An individual undertakes effort because the benefits accrue to that individual, while part of what is learned also becomes available, directly or indirectly, to others. The private incentive to solve a problem therefore sustains a social process whose value can exceed the original purpose of the person doing the work.
Artificial intelligence can alter that relationship. When a system supplies a sufficiently good contextual answer, the rational individual response is often to investigate less. In many cases that is exactly what should happen. Yet when the investigation that disappears would have generated new understanding rather than merely recovered existing information, the gain for the individual can coexist with a loss elsewhere. The person receives the answer she needs, while no possible contribution to collective knowledge is made.
The distinction is subtle because the immediate outcome looks better in both cases. The problem is solved more quickly, the user expends less effort, and nothing obviously valuable appears to have disappeared. The difference only becomes visible when we ask what the abandoned process itself might have produced.
Artificial Intelligence Can Increase Knowledge Too
Any serious version of this argument has to acknowledge an obvious objection. Artificial intelligence does not simply suppress investigation. It can also make investigation possible.
A researcher who previously needed days to orient herself in an unfamiliar literature may now do so in an afternoon and spend the remaining time pursuing a genuinely new question. A small organisation may undertake analysis that once required specialists it could not afford. Scientists can explore larger hypothesis spaces, programmers can test more alternatives, and students can encounter ideas that would otherwise have remained inaccessible to them. By reducing the cost of entry into difficult intellectual work, AI may increase both the number of people investigating problems and the range of problems they can address.
This is not a minor qualification. It means that there is no simple relationship between the amount of human effort expended and the amount of knowledge produced. More effort does not automatically produce more knowledge, just as less effort does not automatically produce less. A large proportion of intellectual labour has always consisted of overcoming limitations in access, retrieval and computation that contributed nothing to the eventual discovery. Eliminating these limitations may accelerate knowledge production rather than weaken it.
The relevant question concerns which part of the intellectual process artificial intelligence reduces. When AI removes hours of sterile searching before a scientist reaches the frontier of an unsolved question, it may increase human inquiry. When it enables a student to understand prerequisite material quickly enough to investigate more demanding material, it may deepen learning. When it allows a professional to compare possibilities that would otherwise have been inaccessible, it may expand rather than contract judgement.
A different effect becomes possible when the system supplies a resolution before an investigation has had the chance to develop into new understanding. There is no clean threshold at which retrieval suddenly becomes inquiry, nor can we usually know in advance which difficulty will prove productive. An investigation that initially appears to be a tedious search may expose an anomaly; another that seems promising may end by rediscovering something already well understood. Part of the difficulty is therefore epistemic: the value of an investigation is often visible only after it has been undertaken.
This uncertainty makes the problem harder than a simple rule about when AI should or should not be used. Artificial intelligence does not necessarily reduce collective knowledge. It changes the incentives and conditions under which human beings produce it. Whether the result is more knowledge or less will depend partly on whether the technology removes costs associated with inquiry or substitutes for inquiry that might have yielded something beyond the answer being sought.
When Individual and Collective Gains Diverge
The significance of Acemoglu, Kong, and Ozdaglar’s argument lies precisely in the fact that these different outcomes can appear identical to the individual user. In both cases, the person receives a better recommendation while expending less effort. The possible difference appears only at the collective level.
Their model distinguishes between general knowledge, the accumulated understanding available to a community, and context-specific knowledge, the information relevant to a particular decision or situation. Human beings often acquire context-specific knowledge while drawing upon general knowledge, but their effort can also feed something back into the collective stock. As these individual acts accumulate, they help renew the informational environment from which future decisions are made.
Under some of the conditions explored in the model, sufficiently accurate AI recommendations reduce the incentive for people to undertake the learning that previously generated these externalities. Immediate decisions can improve while the production of general knowledge available for future decisions weakens. Most strikingly, welfare in the model is generally non-monotonic in agentic AI accuracy, so that under the relevant assumptions there is an intermediate level of AI precision that maximises welfare. Beyond that point, a more accurate recommendation can still improve the information supplied to the individual while the accompanying reduction in human learning effort imposes a higher cost on collective knowledge.
The result deserves care. It does not establish that societies would be better served by deliberately making artificial intelligence less accurate, nor does it predict that increasingly capable systems will produce knowledge collapse. It shows that, within a theoretical model built around particular assumptions about human learning, knowledge aggregation and the substitutability of AI recommendations for human effort, improvements at the level of the individual recommendation and improvements in the wider epistemic system need not move together. That possibility is enough to unsettle the assumption that better answers must always produce better epistemic outcomes.
This challenges an assumption that comes naturally in technological environments. We tend to evaluate cognitive tools by comparing the quality of the answer before and after their introduction. If the answer becomes more accurate, less expensive or more accessible, the tool appears to have improved the situation. Yet this way of evaluating technology treats knowledge as though it were already there, waiting to be delivered more efficiently. It pays much less attention to the processes through which that knowledge continues to come into existence.
Once this distinction becomes visible, the quality of the answers a system provides remains important, but it no longer tells us everything we need to know about its epistemic effects. We also need to understand which human activities have been producing the knowledge from which good answers can be derived, and what happens to those activities when the incentive to perform them changes.
Judgement Does Not Begin from Nothing
This matters for the larger question of human judgement because judgement is often described in overly individualistic terms. We imagine an experienced person confronting a difficult situation, drawing on knowledge and character, weighing competing considerations and reaching a conclusion for which she accepts responsibility. That description captures something essential, but it can create the impression that judgement resides entirely within the individual who exercises it.
In practice, even the most independent judgement rests on an enormous inheritance. The doctor who recognises an unusual disease draws upon generations of accumulated clinical knowledge. The judge who interprets an ambiguous case reasons within traditions of jurisprudence shaped by arguments others made before her. The scientist who notices that a result is genuinely surprising can do so because a community has already established what would ordinarily be expected. The teacher who senses that an apparently correct answer conceals a misunderstanding depends on knowledge accumulated from previous students, professional conversations, and educational traditions.
Good judgement is personal without being self-created. It requires someone capable of interpreting a particular situation, but the interpretative resources available to that person have been produced socially. Human beings judge from within worlds of knowledge that they did not individually construct and that remain useful only because other people continue to question, revise and extend them.
This social dependence does not make judgement collective in the sense that responsibility for it can be dispersed. Collective knowledge provides the concepts, evidence, precedents and interpretations from which judgement draws, but it does not determine what this person should conclude in this situation. Someone still has to interpret what is relevant, decide between competing possibilities and assume responsibility for the conclusion. The social world supplies resources for judgement without performing judgement itself.
Preserving the capacity for individual judgement therefore requires more than forming individuals who can think carefully. It also requires attention to the social processes through which the knowledge on which such thinking draws continues to be generated. A world in which individuals receive increasingly sophisticated, context-specific recommendations while participating less often in the investigation, correction and extension of shared knowledge could retain considerable visible capability while becoming more dependent on an epistemic environment that fewer people actively help to renew.
From Receiving Knowledge to Participating in It
Education makes this distinction particularly important because schools and universities do more than transmit a stock of established knowledge. At their best, they introduce students into practices through which knowledge is questioned, justified, corrected and occasionally extended. Even when students produce nothing that changes a discipline, the experience of inquiry matters because it teaches them what it means for a claim to be earned rather than merely received.
A student solving a genuinely difficult mathematical problem may contribute nothing to mathematics. A student analysing conflicting historical evidence is unlikely to change our understanding of the period. A laboratory exercise may reproduce an experiment that has been performed millions of times. Their educational significance does not depend upon originality. What matters is that students temporarily inhabit the position from which knowledge must be reconstructed, interpreted, or justified rather than simply consumed.
This is where two consequences of intellectual difficulty meet without becoming identical. Struggling with an unresolved problem can change the person who undertakes the struggle by developing habits of attention, interpretation and judgement. In other contexts, the attempt to resolve a problem can also generate understanding that becomes available to others. The first is a formative effect and the second a social externality. They can arise from similar forms of inquiry, but neither depends conceptually on the other.
Artificial intelligence can contribute powerfully to both. It can expose students to alternative explanations, reveal connections, make difficult material accessible and allow them to pursue questions they could not previously have approached. The educational problem arises when access becomes indistinguishable from participation, and when receiving a sophisticated explanation is treated as equivalent to having done enough intellectual work to understand why the explanation deserves acceptance.
Students do not need to repeat every inefficiency through which knowledge was historically produced. They do need sufficient experience with unresolved questions to understand knowledge as something that human beings investigate rather than merely retrieve, and sufficient responsibility for their conclusions to distinguish between recognising a plausible answer and possessing an understanding they can defend.
What Should Remain Unresolved for a While
Some friction is nothing more than friction. It consumes time without shaping the person or extending the knowledge available to anyone else, and technology should remove as much of it as possible. Other forms of difficulty have a different structure because the attempt to resolve them creates something along the way, whether deeper understanding in the person, a contribution to others’ knowledge, or both.
Earlier technologies certainly altered these processes, sometimes profoundly, but many operated primarily on particular components of intellectual work. Writing externalised memory, print expanded access, calculators transformed computation and search engines transformed retrieval. Artificial intelligence can intervene across several of these layers at once and, increasingly, at the level of interpretation itself. It can help formulate explanations, identify patterns and propose resolutions before a person has independently established how a problem should be understood. This broader reach makes the distinction between different kinds of intellectual effort more difficult to ignore.
There is no general rule that will tell us which difficulties should remain. The distinction between sterile search and productive inquiry is much clearer in retrospect than it is while the work is taking place. That uncertainty is itself significant because an educational or institutional decision to remove difficulty must often be made before anyone can know what the difficulty might have produced.
The relevant question, therefore, concerns what kinds of intellectual activity we are willing to forgo when an answer can be provided earlier. Where the process contributes nothing beyond reaching a result, efficiency is a clear gain. Where the process creates understanding in the person or knowledge that can travel beyond them, the calculation becomes more complicated.
Acemoglu and his colleagues have identified an economic version of that problem. Better recommendations can alter the incentives that sustain human learning, and, under some conditions, the resulting reduction in knowledge production can matter to society as a whole. Education confronts a related question at the level of human formation. It must decide which intellectual processes can be shortened without consequence and which still need to be experienced because something important is produced before the answer arrives.
Knowledge is sustained through storage, transmission and increasingly powerful systems of retrieval and synthesis, but also through people continuing to encounter questions for which existing answers prove inadequate, investigating them and returning something to the shared world of understanding. Artificial intelligence may allow us to do that more effectively than ever before. Under some conditions, it may also reduce the occasions on which we have reason to do it.
The quality of the answer therefore cannot be the only measure of intellectual progress. We also need to ask what kind of activity produced it, what understanding was created in the process and whether people remain capable of extending the knowledge on which future answers will depend. As intelligent systems become better at solving problems for us, the distinction that matters may increasingly be between the effort that kept us unnecessarily far from knowledge and the effort through which knowledge itself came into being.
