If American soft power weakens, a vacuum appears.
The real question is whether Europe understands the nature of its own strength — and whether education is prepared to sustain it.
In a recent reflection, I considered Europe’s responsibility in a world accelerated by technology. An editorial in Le Monde adds a geopolitical dimension to that same question.
Philippe Bernard concludes his analysis of Donald Trump’s posture towards alliances with a revealing observation:
“En sacrifiant le soft power américain, Donald Trump alimente l’impopularité de son propre pays (…) Mais il invite aussi les Européens à exercer leur propre soft power… ses valeurs humanistes et démocratiques, ses arts, sa culture, ses modes de vie, ses systèmes sociaux et ses libertés méritent d’être préservés, défendus et promus. L’offensive Trump pourrait y aider.” — Philippe Bernard, Le Monde, 15 February 2026
The argument extends beyond American politics. When a dominant soft power weakens, space opens. China may expand economically, yet its political and cultural attractiveness within democratic societies remains limited. The deeper question concerns Europe itself: does it recognise the nature of its own influence?
Europe’s strength has never been merely economic. It is civilisational. Humanism, the rule of law, artistic creation, institutional pluralism, democratic freedoms — these were built patiently over centuries. They are not abstractions. They are institutional achievements.
And they are transmitted through education.
Much of today’s strategic debate revolves around artificial intelligence, competitiveness and technological sovereignty. These matters are important. Yet Europe’s most durable strategic asset lies elsewhere: in normative leadership — in its capacity to shape standards, values and intellectual frameworks.
Soft power does not begin in diplomacy. It begins in schools and universities.
An education worthy of Europe must cultivate critical judgement, historical awareness, intellectual freedom balanced with responsibility, and the capacity to govern technology rather than be governed by it. Without such formation, values become decorative.
External pressure may clarify identity. But identity requires cultivation.
If Europe is to exercise its soft power, it will do so through the formation of free and responsible minds. That remains, fundamentally, an educational task.